|
Chapter 2: 1900-1914
Thomas Wallace Russell was born in Fife, Scotland in 1841, but moved to Ireland at the age of eighteen. His father was an evicted crofter,1 and the memory of this stayed with Russell as he entered politics. His early concern, however, was with the temperance movement,2 although his attentions soon turned to Irelands burning issues: land and nation. After contesting Preston as a liberal in 1885 he returned to Ireland to take an active role against the home rule movement.3 His subsequent views on the land question put him at odds with the aristocratic leadership of the unionist party. A supporter of compulsory land purchase, F.S.L.Lyons has called him, the unquestioned spokesman of the tenant farmers in the north.4 Russell sat in Westminster for south Tyrone for fourteen years from 1886 to 1900 under the unionist party banner, although suffering various fallouts with the hierarchy. Russell for example refused to support the new government after Roseberys fall in 1895 unless Salisbury and Balfour addressed the land issue.5 They did, and the outcome was the 1896 land act.
A so-called second campaign6 was initiated by Russell in 1900, but he was met with increasing resistance to reform in the Commons. His decision to canvass for grass roots support on compulsory sale cost him his unionist party ticket, as he was dismissed. As this point, however, Russell had been increasingly frustrated by the party; he was committed to unionism, but he was prepared to work with nationalists on land reform. On being returned in 1900, he stated, I owe my safety first to the unswerving loyalty of the entire body of catholic voters.7 He won by just 90 votes, so every one was vital. Russell by no means pandered to nationalists, however, feeling that if the land question were solved and democratic unionist leadership created, nationalism would disintegrate.8 He was by no means a sympathiser of Catholicism either, commenting in 1901, I am an unflinching Protestant. My whole soul rises in revolt against a religion symbolised by forms and outward pomp.9
In launching his new land initiative, however, Russell was aware of the need of support from all sides: The truth is that men are now working together for various purposes in Ireland who never met before....they learn the need Ireland has for the co-operation of all her sons. They probably realise how absurd and mischievous their past feuds have been.10 His sometimes contradictory publication Ireland and the Empire: A Review reveals how Russell in 1901 is an advocate of the union and the empire, but at the same time wants to scrap the current parliamentary system.11 He talks of the unsavoury religious bitterness in Belfast, but the goes on to slam the catholic church. Despite utterly condemning land league violence, he understands the rebellious nature of Irish nationalism since 1800, agreeing with the principle but not the application of the act of union. Russell talks about bringing catholic and protestant together in the cause of the nation - but he didnt go as far as to take up Parnells invitation of a nationalist party bearth.12
The liberal home rule movement was on its knees by 1900, and only Charles Hemphill stood for the group in the general election of that year. He beat off unionist competition by just 55 votes to retain his north Tyrone position. The election was the first since the eighties where nationalists presented a united front, and they won 81 seats, the same amount as the opposing factions had managed five years earlier. The same number of unionist candidates, 21, were also returned, but their success was not confined to north-east Ulster and Dublin this time.13 A nationalist aberration allowed unionist Martin Morris to secure Galway city; this seems to have been due to nationalist complacency, and the situation was swiftly rectified the following year in a by-election, when the nationalist vote had increases by over one third.14 In Britain, Salisburys Tories won by a landslide.
For the Irish party, four protestants ran for office in Ulster. Jeremiah Jordan took south Fermanagh for the second consecutive election and Samuel Young was unopposed in east Cavan. Swift MacNeill was again returned in Donegal, this year without competition. A new face in the nationalist ranks was Dr E.C.Thompson, the close companion of Young. Tyrone surgeon Thompson had served in the royal navy before moving into politics.15 When he did so it was as a unionist in 1892, where he was defeated in mid Tyrone; he failed again here three years later. After severing ties with the official unionists he contested north Fermanagh in 1898, but was again beaten. As an independent nationalist in 1900 he moved back to his home county, but made no impression in challenging Russell. He finally won a seat at the fifth attempt, in the north Monaghan by-election. By this stage he was a full nationalist member.
Thompson had always been a moderate politician (notice how this outlook failed for so long to yield electoral success). In his campaign in Tyrone in 1892 he highlighted the non-denominational nature of his standpoint. He claimed that he would support, every measure of reform from whatever side of the House of Commons it may come which will address existing grievances, increase the trade and commerce of Ireland, and secure to each individual the peaceful enjoyment of his property and his liberty.16 A lover of Ireland, Thompson was genuine in his appeal for better conditions for all its citizens. He managed to win support from Ulsters workers, both unionist and nationalist. In 1898 on report suggested that as a unionist, he still attracted 85% of the catholic vote.17 Thompson also said he had the greatest sympathy....with the poor and their grievances.18
Writing to Balfour in 1895, Thompson suggested that land, now the central issue in Ireland, must be addressed through the implementation of a land purchase bill. This, he said, would abolish dual ownership, which is unworkable and against all known principles of Political Economy.19 Increasingly unhappy at the unionist governments handling of Ireland, Thompson switched allegiance to nationalism in 1900, and eventually supported home rule. He stated the reasons for his defection in a letter to the Freemans Journal:
In common with other nationalists, Thompson came to the conclusion that Ireland would only be properly governed by the Irish.
Unhappy at the lack of parliamentary time devoted to Irish issues, a group of nationalist members caused uproar in 1901 when they disrupted house business. The agitation came to a head in March when twelve nationalists refused to enter the division lobbies after a debate on education.21 According to the Annual Register, a scene of extraordinary and scandalous violence ensued.22 Eventually the men, including Jeremiah Jordan, were removed by police. The incident, according to F.S.L.Lyons, epitomises the attitude adopted by the Irish party, not merely during 1901, but until the dissolution of parliament at the end of 1905.23
The conservative government, however, did not confine its dissemination of dissatisfaction to nationalists. T.W.Russell left the south Tyrone unionist association in 1901 and formed the Ulster Farmers and Labourers Union and Compulsory Purchase Association.24 In Ballymoney, the North Antrim Land Purchase Association was formed and soon gained support. Liberal home rulers were again restless in the area and the Presbyterians were again voicing their concerns about what the government was doing (or not doing) for them.25 On December 20th 1902 a land conference endorsed by Wyndham was convened in Dublin. Here, T.W.Russell worked with nationalist leader Redmond to secure a better deal for tenants.26 The result was the following years Wyndham land act, which temporarily stilled the storm of Irish politics. The act laid down financial boundaries approved by the Land Commission for the sale of land.
By this stage Russell was enjoying his most effective political period. Having left the unionists, his increasing reliance on catholic support saw him move ideologically closer to nationalist doctrine, saying he was in favour of, constitutional endeavours for the benefit of Ireland.27 Alvin Jackson comments that in this period his sympathy for catholic nationalism grew to fever pitch, and he professed fellow-feeling with leading nationalists like Healy, OBrien and Redmond.28 Russell had not only won the loyalties of tenant farmers, but was making strides towards substantial labourer support. Despite this, however, Russell at this point did not endorse home rule. An vacant seat in east Down saw Russell launch his first independent candidate in February 1902. This was Belfast solicitor James Wood, and he was able to secure a narrow victory partly due to slipshod unionist organisation in the constituency. He was only able to win, comments Jackson, due to floating methodist and presbyterian defection.29 The following February Russellite Samuel Keightley lost in south Antrim, but a month later Edward Mitchell was successful in north Fermanagh. Mitchells campaign brought together protestants and catholics in a rural coalition.30
This, however, would prove to be Russells highest point - he might have inflicted severe damage on the the unionist party had there been a general election in 1903, but this was not the case. Irelands political landscape did not remain serene for the next few years. The devolution crisis of 1904-05 was to end with a liberal prime minister, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, and with reinvigorated unionist fears of home rule. Russell was viewed by many protestants now as having repudiated unionism, and as a result his campaign suffered a mortal blow. Not only did the official unionists improve their ability to mobilise support around Ulster,31 Russellite candidates were now distrusted and judged by many home rule sell-outs.
In total nine Russellite candidates contested seats in 1906: in Antrim, Down, Derry, Fermanagh and Tyrone. Keightley lost again, this time in south Derry, and Edward Mitchell lost his north Fermanagh position. The short parliamentary experience of James Wood in east Down was also brought to an abrupt end. In all only two Russellites won in 1906, and one was Russell himself, who was rewarded by his loyal constituents in south Tyrone. The other winner was R.G.Glendinning in north Antrim. Like the other Russellites Glendinning did not speak out openly in favour of home rule; this was much to the chagrin of J.B.Armour who found his pro home rule views had no outlet in 1906.32 Even the liberals in Britain had ruled out a new home rule bill if they remained in power. Although some in the party harked back to Gladstone, others could see the issue was an election liability.33 The policy helped the liberals achieve a landslide victory.
Knowing how allegiance to home rule could destroy his chances, Glendinning focused on land issues in 1906, speaking in support of compulsory sale. This, he said, was the only method which seems likely to effect a speedy solution of the issue.34 Although the 1903 land act had satisfied many in the unionist party, this certainly wasnt the case with Russell and his followers. The son of a farmer, linen merchant Glendinning claimed he had, the strongest sympathy for all whose work and life are on the land.35 While advocating reform, however, Glendinning made it clear to unionist voters he would not jeopardise the union:
I am, and always have been, a Unionist, and I strongly advocate the maintenance of the legislative Union of Great Britain and Ireland, and I will not support any measure which would weaken that Union; but I am not prepared to submit with blind subservience to the dictation of those who desire to exploit the Union for the defence of selfish interests.36
Despite these words, Glendinning received healthy nationalist support, probably largely due to the fact that no nationalist stood against him. He also gained support from presbyterian farmers and the orange order, who had now distanced themselves from the unionist party.37
While the unionists were experiencing unsettling factionalism, the Ulster liberals found themselves struggling to recover from their lowest ebb. Campbell-Bannermans appointment in 1905 boosted their morale after the conservative years had left them languishing in the wilderness. Despite this they were only able to contest one seat throughout Ulster in 1906. The presbyterian leadership of the liberal home rulers had been dismayed by the conservatives lack of movement on issues of fairer representation. The appointment of presbyterian Lord Aberdeen in 1906 to the vice-royalty went a huge distance towards ending, as McMinn says, discontentment about appointments.38
W.H.Dodd, the only protestant liberal in Ulster, was successful. He was able to enter parliament for the first time, after a narrow win in north Tyrone. Dodd was not alone, however, as he was soon joined on the government benches by both Russell and Glendinning. The two men pledged themselves to liberalism immediately after the election.39
The Irish party meanwhile had re-emerged from the split a coherent movement once again. The party again took 81 of the 103 seats in Ireland in 1906, including four protestant representatives in the Ulster counties. Jeremiah Jordan was again returned in south Fermanagh, as was Samuel Young in east Cavan. Hugh Alexander Law had taken advantage of an uncontested by-election in west Donegal four years earlier, and retained the seat at the general election. Oxford educated Law had been active in the Gaelic League, and was interested in the literary revival, being a close friend of George Russell. Born a Protestant, Laws increasingly nationalist convictions persuaded him to convert to Catholicism.40 Meanwhile in south Donegal Swift MacNeill won his fifth election running, and promised to endeavour to make home rule a central issue again. He said home rule was achievable, particularly if other protestants joined the clamour: There are at present, and I believe their number is increasing, such Protestants, and it is a misrepresentation of the home rule cause to say that it is supported simply by Catholics.41
MacNeills analysis of the Irish question reveals that he was a reformer, who saw no reason why different religious doctrines should hold back progress. He believed in the justice and necessity of many reforms in Ireland - educational, financial, agrarian, and social.42 MacNeill was another who asserted Irelands right to be governed by its own people: ...no ameliorative measures will weaken the determination of the Irish people to gain for Ireland the right to govern herself, which is the end aim of the National policy.43 MacNeill viewed the British governments treatment of people of both religions in Ireland since the union as shabby, and wanted an Irish administration which could be respected and trusted by the people. He pointed to the Canadian precedent for home rule, urging the application to Ireland of the remedy of responsible government, which led in Canada to contentment and prosperity.44
In 1907 the North Antrim Reform Association met in Ballymoney to herald what they hoped might be an exciting new dawn for Ulsters liberal home rulers. Russell and Glendinning were both in attendance. The Reverend J.B.Armour was present, and he took the opportunity to praise the new liberal cabinet, saying that it was the best that had, directed the government of the land since the days of the glorious Gladstone.45 Armour went on to welcome Russell to the liberal cause: I took up Russell and pointed out that I had opposed him often but that I always believed there was some hidden fire of liberalism burning in the depths of his soul....I called for cheers for him which were given in no hesitating manner.46
Glendinning, now apparently willing to accept the principles of home rule, was delighted with the approval he received at the meeting. Armour said of him, ...though a silent member, he had proved himself one of the honestest, most attentive to the wants not only of his own constituents but to the wants of all Ulster constituents.47 Despite this glowing recommendation, however, Armour later pointed out the poverty of Glendinnings own speech.48 Also attendant at the meeting was Lord William Pirrie, chairman of Harland and Wolff. Pirrie was a former lord mayor of Belfast, and a unionist supporter at the time of the second home rule bill.49 After a series of disputes, however, Pirrie turned his back on unionism after failing to be selected for a 1902 Belfast by-election.50 He too was greeted with open arms by Armour into the liberal fold, who praised his work in contributing to the economic health of Belfast.51
Having been elected in north Tyrone, Dodd was raised to the bench in 1907. This was seen as further evidence that the situation was improving for presbyterians in Ulster under the new liberal government. Nationalists, however, were not so contented, and calls increased for more catholic representation in official posts. Member David Moran said that the best jobs were now, reserved for place-hunters, lukewarm nationalists, and Protestant Liberals.52 Despite such bitterness the Irish party went on to collaborate with the liberals to establish the new University of Ireland in 1908. Patrick Maume says that its opening was a significant step: The appearance of a fully recognised Catholic-nationalist rival to Trinity College marked the continuing decay of the old ascendancy.53 Swift MacNeill was appointed a professor at the new school, and supported a plan to make the Irish language compulsory for students. Against the idea was protestant nationalist Stephen Gwynn.54
Gwynn, who Moran might have labelled a lukewarm nationalist was threatened with expulsion from the Gaelic League for taking this stance. His formative years spent in Donegal, Gwynn was educated at Oxford and published poetry, historical works and biographies.55 He was surprisingly asked to stand in the Galway by-election of 1906 with the endorsement of local priest Fr Peter Dooley. Not familiar with the experiences of an Irish politician, Gwynn was surprised to be met with a raucous drunken crowd on his arrival in the city. His rival was independent nationalist John Shawe-Taylor, so there could be no repeat of the 1900 faux pas. In his election address, Gwynn stated that he was the chosen candidate of the United Irish League convention, was the Irish Party choice, and was the grandson of Smith OBrien, a Young Irelander who had been sentenced to death in 1848.56 Keen to gain mileage out of this emotive image, Gwynns election team wanted him to say more. Gwynn recounted their words in his autobiography: we thought he was sentenced to be hanged and dhrrawn and quarrthered. So he was, said I. My God, said they, and you leave out that.57 Eventually these details were given, and Gwynn received twice as many votes as his opponent,58 despite some violent disturbances on polling day.59
The liberals under Campbell-Bannerman had been busy spreading goodwill to their Ulster counterparts after the lethargy of 1906. The 1907 by-election in north Tyrone caused by Dodds departure saw Redmond Barry make sure it stayed in liberal hands. Barry was a Cork-born graduate of the Royal University of Ireland;60 his contest with unionist Denis Henry was one of the closest ever recorded - the difference was only seven votes.61 This helped the liberal home rulers find a new confidence. By the next general election in January 1910, they could present a strong and well organised front. Before then, however, changes had been made. Campbell-Bannerman had been succeeded by Herbert Asquith as liberal leader and prime minister, and the 1909 Irish land act had been implemented. Ulster liberals were delighted with the appointment of Asquith, who promised he would make home rule a central issue in British politics again. He was, according to some, the natural political heir to Gladstone.62
In Britain the liberals were voted to remain in power in January 1910 despite fears that speaking in support of home rule was an election liability. Home rule would be a real possibility in the next parliament, since a planned Parliament Act, which did pass in 1911, meant the Lords would no longer have the power of veto in the matter.63 Much buoyed by developments across the Irish sea, the liberals in Ulster presented six candidates to the electorate. These were Barry, the converted Russell, his colleagues Wood, Kieghtley and W.J.Baxter, and Sam Kerr. Again only one was elected, as Barry kept his hard-won north Tyrone position. This time he had around 100 votes to spare.64
To call these men liberal home rulers is dangerous. Although each canvassed under the liberal banner, none emphasised pro home rule convictions in their election campaigns. Four of the men had been previously unionist Russellites; none of these were returned. Even Russell himself failed in south Tyrone, a seat he had made his own for the previous twenty-four years. Russell had been under fire from all sides who judged him to be loyal to no cause except his own self-advancement.65 J.B.Armour, an unequivocal advocate of home rule, was coming to view Russell as a man of inadequate character for the liberals:
....while I respected his ability, I thought he was a bit of a humbug and a fraud and that he was going about posing as if the whole power of the state rested on his shoulders and that he was doing his level best for his friends, shoving them into honour and power and allowing men who had done twenty times more for the party than he had ever done, be passed over....66
Sir W.J.Baxter was born in Cookstown and had been president of the Coleraine agricultural and industrial association. Taking the reigns from Glendinning in north Antrim, Baxter lost the liberal seat, partly claimed Armour, because Baxter did not secure enough catholic support.67 He never openly endorsed home rule, and many nationalists were pleased to see him loose.68 Monaghan born solicitor James Wood was in a similar situation. He returned to east Down in January 1910, but could make no inroads on James Craigs unionist majority.69 Barrister Sam Keightley became another liberal to challenge the unionists in south Derry, but was narrowly defeated as his predecessors had been.
The Irish party were again dominant in January 1910, but a number of its members stood as independents after a fallout with Redmond. Most of these independents were so-called OBrienites, i.e. supporters of William OBriens Cork-based splinter group.70 In total seventeen seats were contested by rival nationalists.71 OBrien had been concerned that Redmonds co-operation with the liberals was an ill-advised course of action which would ultimately cause harm to the nation. Despite strong support in Cork, however, OBrien was unable to make a significant impact on a national scale, and Redmond grew stronger.72 In Ulster, five Protestants put themselves at the mercy of the polls.
Most of these five were experienced campaigners. Jordan held on to his south Fermanagh seat, and in Donegal Law and MacNeill were unchallenged. MacNeill was delighted with the fact that, Home Rule has come once more to the very forefront of all the political problems with which these countries must deal.73 National Liberal club member Samuel Young was returned again in east Cavan. These stalwarts were joined by a new protestant face in the north - Cambridge educated moderate Shane Leslie. Despite a good showing, Leslie was unable to displace the Marquis of Hamilton, who had held the seat since 1900. A lover of both Ireland and Britain, Leslie talked of Irelands contribution to the development of her larger neighbour: England would not be what she is without Ireland...the English owe much to the Celtic fringe. Celtic influences have purged the Anglo-Saxon of much original Teutonism.74
Leslie recalled his experiences of his 1910 election challenge, leaving in no doubt his feelings on why he lost: Nobody cared a straw for free trade or taxes, for home or foreign policy. I lost a stand-up religious faction fight by small majorities. I retired later in favour of my chief Protestant supporter David Hogg and the seat was won for Home Rule.75 In spite of his affection for Britain, Leslie was in favour of home rule on the grounds that Britains imperial conduct had often escalated to unsavoury levels. He commented: Her motto Imperium et Libertas is really a contradiction in terms, and went on, In spite of herself has Ireland become imperialistic. Her better self has condemned and striven to rectify her treatment of the Irish and the Boers.76 Leslie was sympathetic to the liberals, and particularly admired Asquith, calling him common sensed, practical and legally argumentative.77 Just like MacNeill, Thompson and others before him, Leslie was certain of one thing: the Irish must be allowed to rule themselves. The secret of English misrule, he said is that only Irishmen can understand the Irish... [Ireland] is the banshee of the world, and her crying aloud betokeneth death!78
Donegal man Stephen Gwynn found himself remaining MP for Galway, having built up much respect since 1906. In 1909 he had become the auditor to the National Directory in the nationalist party under Redmond.79 Gwynn declined to take up a post in the reform association, and claimed that, I was a home ruler in the ordinary sense.80 His thinking was not radical; asked if a home rule bill should facilitate a bicameral structure he replied I thought so, the upper one not hereditary, but with some people there of right-distinguished ecclesiastics, for instance.81 Aware of the religious issues surrounding his candidature, Gwynn deduced his nomination may in fact have proved advantageous: If a man had made himself conspicuous for home rule, it was rather an advantage to him as a candidate to be a Protestant. Constituencies liked to be able to say - see how broadminded we are.82
By election time of December 1910, Asquith had stated that if the government were re-elected the Lords veto would be scrapped as soon as possible, and a third home rule bill would be a reality within a few short years. Following the breakdown of the Constitutional Conference, the liberal position was much strengthened in Britain. Much of the party, however, still considered home rule an election liability. Alan ODay comments: Liberals in theory might support self-government, but they also showed little readiness to translate this idea into a reality.83 With the liberals eventually remaining in office, and Redmonds nationalists holding the balance of power,84 the next few years would be crucial in the history of home rule.
With enthusiasm restored, the Ulster liberals advanced more candidates than ever, a total of eight. Robert Boyd attempted to win back the seat in south Tyrone lost by Russell in January, but was beaten despite a good showing.85 Captain A.P.T.Collum knew that results had been tight in previous years in north Fermanagh, and decided to challenge Sam Kerrs conqueror Godfrey Fetherstonhaugh. In the event unionist support stayed solid, and the liberal vote was actually recorded at a loss. W.J.Johnston was also a loser, in south Derry. J.B.Armour was in support of his candidature, while recognising it as a forlorn hope.86 After the defeat he was in praise of his presbyterian colleague, saying Johnston under the circumstances made a very good fight.87 Armour also backed Johnston in his bid for a county court judgeship, still pursuing the target of fairer representation.88 Armagh solicitor James Williamson, an unsuccessful nationalist in 1886, took his home rule convictions to east Down. The North Antrim Reform supporter was well beaten, however, with James Craig receiving increased support.89
North Tyrone, a liberal held seat since 1895, was retained by Redmond Barry. This was again to prove the only constituency to yield any success for the Ulster liberals. Land campaigner William Clow campaigned in south Antrim, but the area was never anything other than a unionist stronghold. The former Portadown councillor90 managed to attract less than a third of the overall vote.91 Londonderry presbyterian W.H.Brown failed to avail of the northern seat of his home county. In subsequent years, Brown was to become very well disliked said Armour.92 Although never being known as a strong supporter of home rule, later co-operation with the unionists led to him being denounced by the liberals, Armour stating that, he changed his politics for filthy lucres sake.93 In the north Antrim area, land commissioner William Macafee was selected. Macafee had been involved in the route land movement a quarter of a century earlier,94 and was well respected in the district.
No stranger to home rule demonstrations, Macafee was much more up front about his support for the measure than Glendinning and Baxter in the same constituency. Although at loggerheads with the Antrim organisers of liberalism at this time, J.B.Armour backed Macafee, saying ...he is doing very well here but the Home Rule bogey will frighten the timid. He went on to endorse the strong stance taken on home rule, stating Macafee will have a larger Catholic vote than either Glendinning or Baxter. Armour was philosophical went this proved to be not quite enough: North Antrim does not count....Liberals are back as strong as in January and the veto of the Lords will get its coup de grace and then we shall have changes here.95 In the years of home rule debate, north Antrim proved not to be a particularly radical area at all. Richard McMinn concludes, most of the leading figures in north Antrim liberalism in these years were rather timid home rulers.96
As for the nationalists, new protestant members were few and far between. This was certainly the case if the number of members correlates with the number of candidates selected to stand. Four protestant nationalists stood in Ulster in December 1910, but all were very experienced and had been with the party for years. Letterkenny based Hugh Alexander Law was again unchallenged in west Donegal, while Samuel Young, still not the partys most popular MP, settled down to another term in east Cavan. Swift MacNeill was guaranteed a seventh consecutive term in south Donegal. Shane Leslie, however, was disappointed in Derry city for the second time, again finding himself just one hundred votes away from his unionist rival.97 Despite this, Leslie continued to campaign for home rule, emphasising the importance of inter-denominational contact for the benefit of all on the island. He commented: The trouble in Ireland is that people are afraid of meeting for fear of becoming friends.98 In the south, Stephen Gwynn retained Galway after a weak unionist challenge.
Despite dissent from OBriens All For Ireland League, the nationalists remained as strong as ever throughout Ireland. They looked forward to working with the liberals on home rule, and were encouraged when the Parliament Bill was given royal assent in August 1911.99 Meanwhile, there was movement from the Ulster liberals, for whom T.W.Russell was itching to re-enter parliament. Having lost his long-held south Tyrone seat, Russell stood in the north of that county in a 1911 by-election, despite widespread opposition. J.B.Armour commented, ...there is a selection of the Catholic Healyites and a large number of publicans in the constituency that will hate Russell because of his temperance principles.100 Despite this antagonism, those who considered him an opportunist, and nationalists who travelled from south Tyrone to oppose him, Russell won the seat with a majority of eighteen.101 It is not clear exactly how much respect he now commanded, but catholic church and nationalist party support meant that Russell could once again make his way in Westminster. North Tyrone was the only seat the liberals had, and it was crucial that they held on to it. It only became vacant when Redmond Barry had been appointed Lord Chancellor in 1911, another huge step in appeasing presbyterians in their calls for more senior public representation. Armour soon wanted Barry to give W.J.Johnston the recordership of Belfast, but this did not come off.102
With a third home rule bill firmly on the agenda, a home rule rally was organised in February 1912. The meeting at Celtic Park in Belfast was addressed by Winston Churchill and chaired by Lord Pirrie, now recognised as a fully fledged supporter of home rule by most. There were a few, says Patrick Maume, who attributed his conversion to, social ambition and resentment at his failure to become a Unionist MP.103 The meeting served as an antidote to James Craigs increasingly vociferous anti-home rule campaign. Proving that not all protestants were against the bill, however, Pirrie was convinced that some form of home rule is the only feasible method of removing the chronic trouble and standing danger to the Empire, which arise from the anomalous relations between Great Britain and Ireland. He went on to state that the Irresponsible system of Irish government cannot be remedied so long as Irish administration is entangled in British party politics.104
The 1912 meeting of the Presbyterian General Assembly resulted in a delicate compromise on the home rule issue, with both liberals and unionists considering it a victory for themselves.105 The Ulster liberals were increasingly dismayed by the actions of Carsons unionists. It was soon made clear that the unionists would by no means allow Ulster to be included in any home rule bill, which would inevitably soon be passed. Mass rallies were organised, the Ulster covenant was signed, and gunrunning had begun in earnest. Armour was indignant, blasting If Home Rule, when it comes, manifests the same spirit towards the Protestants that the majority of the Protestants is doing towards those who differ from then, well the Protestants will have no rational ground for complaint.106 The liberals had received a boost, however, in January 1913 with the election of David Hogg in Londonderry city. Hogg, a prominent Derry businessmen, was described by Shane Leslie as perhaps the last of the extinct race of Radical Ulstermen who stood the siege of Derry and won the battle of Bunkers Hill - in each case against an English king.107
Hoggs election meant that in Ulster there were now more home rule seats than unionist ones.108 Soon the presbyterian watched as his fellow churchmen argued bitterly at the 1913 General Assembly. The assembly was asked to declare itself unequivocally against home rule, but this incensed the protestant liberals, who saw the anti-home rule campaign as, merely a futile attempt by the landlord class to preserve their waning power, McMinn explains.109 A response was organised by Captain Jack White, who presented a new covenant to protestants in Ballymoney stating, we, whose names are underwritten, Irish citizens, protestants, and loyal supporters of Irish nationality...hereby pledge ourselves to stand by one another and our country in the troublous days that are before us.110 The meeting, enthusiastically supported by Macafee, invoked the spirit of 98, but was later reported as representing only a small and isolated pocket of dissident protestants.111 Despite the defeat of the home rule bill in July, it would soon be adjusted and become a reality. By the end of 1913 the home rule crisis was threatening to descend into civil war.
Former nationalist MP E.C.Thompson felt that home rule should not come at the cost of civil stability: No real lover of Ireland or of the British Empire desires to see Home Rule effected in a deluge of blood, which will divide Irishmen for ages, and will destroy not only your government, which has effected so many useful reforms, but the liberal party and the best interests of Ireland and the Empire as well,112 he told the prime minister. Thompson found himself exasperated by the real possibility in 1914 of a six-county omission, stating It must be all Ulster or none. I am a Home Ruler of a moderate type, but I hate and detest the Governments Home Rule Bill. It is unworkable, and if it did work would ruin the country.113 Asquith had offered Carson an Ulster exclusion for six years in March 1914.114 The sudden death of Hogg meant a return to the house in 1914 of Sir James Dougherty, who by this stage had been tarnished by accusations of patronage from amongst others Alice Milligan, the protestant nationalist activist and poet.115
Asquiths government were now faced with a predicament from which they could not easily extricate themselves. By mid-September 1914 the Government of Ireland bill had been placed on the statute books with no amending bill on Ulster decided upon.116 Tensions on all sides were running high when the issue was suspended as a result of war in Europe. After the war years Irish politics had been altered irrevocably, and the possible influence of protestant home rulers was practically zero. Ulster liberal organisation collapsed and protestants in the nationalist ranks became increasingly unwelcome as Ireland entered a new phase in its history.
©2000 If you wish to refer to this piece please contact me.
Notes
4 Lyons. The Irish Parliamentary Party 1890-1910,100.
14 Walker. Election Results, 163.
22 Annual Register 1901, 58.
24 McMinn. Liberalism in North Antrim, 20.
25 McMinn. Presbyterianism and Politics, 144.
32 McMinn. Against the Tide, l.
37 McMinn. Liberalism in North Antrim, 24.
38 McMinn. Presbyterianism and Politics, 4.
45 McMinn. Against the Tide, 63.
51 McMinn. Against the Tide, 63.
56 Gwynn. Experiences of a Literary Man, 297.
58 Walker. Election Results, 170.
59 Gwynn. Experiences, 304.
60 Newman. Dictionary of Ulster Biography, 21.
61 Walker. Election Results, 170.
64 Walker. Election Results, 176.
67 McMinn. Against the Tide, 81.
69 Walker. Election Results, 343.
70 Lyons. The Irish Parliamentary Party, 131.
74 Leslie. End of a Chapter, 129.
80 Gwynn. Experiences, 286.
81 Gwynn. Essays of Today and Yesterday, 30.
85 Walker. Election Results, 378.
86 McMinn. Against the Tide, 80.
89 Walker. Election Results, 343.
90 Irish News. (June 30th, 1900).
91 Walker. Election Results, 327.
92 McMinn. Against the Tide, 142.
94 McElroy. The Route Land Crusade, 45.
95 McMinn. Against the Tide, 81.
97 Walker. Election Results, 362.
100 McMinn. Against the Tide, 96.
102 McMinn. Against the Tide, 99.
105 McMinn. Against the Tide, lii.
109 McMinn. Against the Tide, liv.
111 The Times. (25th October, 1913).
113 Tyrone Constitution. (2nd January, 1914).
|  |
|
